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Flush with victory, the General Staff arrested Picquart on charges of violation of professional secrecy following the disclosure of his investigation through his lawyer, who revealed it to Senator Scheurer-Kestner.

When Mathieu thanked him, he replied curtly that he was "doing his duty". To avoid personal risk he went into exile in England, where he lived comfortably and ended his days in the s.

The first great Dreyfusard intellectual , Zola was at the height of his glory: He was a leader in the literary world and was fully conscious of it.

It can be served by the sword or by the pen. General Pellieux has probably won great victories! I have won mine, too. By my work the French language has been brought into the world.

I have my victories! Outraged by the acquittal of Esterhazy, Zola decided to strike a blow. With a typical circulation of 30,, the newspaper distributed nearly , copies that day.

This article had the effect of an explosion. The article was a direct attack, explicit and clear, and named names. It denounced all those who had conspired against Dreyfus, including the minister of war and the General Staff.

The article contained numerous errors, exaggerating or minimizing the roles of one or another of the figures involved. His trial forced a new public review of both the Dreyfus and Esterhazy affairs.

Here he went against the strategy of Scheurer-Kestner and Lazare, who advocated patience and reflection. From that critical moment the case followed two parallel paths.

On one hand, the state used its apparatus to impose a limitation on the trial, restricting it to one of simple libel so as to separate the Dreyfus and Esterhazy cases, which had already been adjudicated.

On the other hand, conflicting camps of opinion tried to influence judges and the government—one side pushed to obtain a review and the other to convict Zola.

But Zola achieved his aim: On 15 January Le Temps published a petition calling for a retrial. On 20 January , after an anti-Zola speech by rightist politician Albert de Mun at the Chamber of Deputies , the chamber voted —22 to prosecute Zola.

On 1 February Barres lambasted the intellectuals in Le Journal. The taxpayer is at risk in the first case, while only the plaintiff is at risk in the second.

He accused Zola of having written that the court martial had committed "unlawful acts [ The details of the Dreyfus Affair, unknown to most of the public, were published in the press.

Several papers [Note 31] published shorthand notes verbatim of the debates every day to build support in the population. These notes were, for the Dreyfusards, an essential tool for later debates.

The nationalists, behind Henri Rochefort , however, were more visible and organized riots, which forced the prefect of police to intervene to protect Zola whenever he left the facility [] after every hearing.

This trial was also the scene of a real legal battle in which the rights of the defence were constantly violated.

Evidently the court received instructions not to raise the subject of former judicial errors. President Delegorgue, on the pretext of the long duration of the hearings, juggled the law incessantly to ensure that the trial dealt only with the alleged defamation by Zola.

Zola was sentenced to one year in prison and a fine of 3, francs, [Note 32] which was the maximum penalty. This harshness was due to the atmosphere of violence surrounding the trial.

In addition, the violent attacks against Zola and the injustice of the conviction of Dreyfus reinforced the commitment of the Dreyfusards.

I declare that Justice is the most beautiful word in the language of men and I must cry if men no longer understand it".

Even more than the Dreyfus Affair the Zola affair resulted in a regrouping of intellectual forces into two opposing camps.

On 2 April an application to the Supreme Court received a favourable response. The military court made the complaint, rather than the minister.

Prosecutor-General Manau supported a review of the Dreyfus trial and strongly opposed the anti-Semites. The judges of the military court, whom Zola had challenged, sued him for libel.

The case was brought before the Assizes of Seine-et-Oise in Versailles where the public was considered more favourable to the army and more nationalistic.

On 23 May , at the first hearing, Mr. Labori appealed to the Supreme Court regarding the change of jurisdiction, which adjourned the trial and postponed the hearing to 18 July Labori advised Zola to leave France for England before the end of the trial, which the writer did, departing for a one-year exile in England.

The defendants were convicted again. As for Colonel Picquart, he found himself again in prison. Anti-Semitism made considerable progress and riots were common throughout the year However politicians were still in denial about the affair.

Nevertheless the cause of the Dreyfusards was restarted. Godefroy Cavaignac , the new minister of war and a fierce supporter of anti-revisionism, definitely wanted to prove the guilt of Dreyfus and from there "wring the neck" of Esterhazy, whom he considered "a pathological liar and blackmailer".

He was surprised to learn that all the documents on which the prosecution was based had not been expertly appraised and that Boisdeffre had "absolute confidence" in Henry.

Cavaignac decided to investigate—in his office, with his assistants—and retrieved the secret file, which now contained items.

The secret information had been provided by Zola, who had received it from Oscar Wilde ; Wilde had gained it from best friend Carlos Blacker, who was an intimate friend of Alexandro Panizzardi.

On 7 July during a questioning in the House, Cavaignac reported three items "overwhelming among a thousand", two of which had no connection with the case.

The other was the "faux Henry". The application for annulment made by Lucie Dreyfus became admissible. The next day, Picquart declared in Le Temps to the council president, "I am in a position to establish before a court of competent jurisdiction that the two documents bearing the date of could not be attributed to Dreyfus and that the one that bears the date of had all the characteristics of a fake," which earned him eleven months in prison.

On the evening of 13 August , Cuignet, who was attached to the cabinet of Cavaignac, was working by the light of a lamp and observed that the colour of the lines on the "faux Henry" paper header and footer did not correspond with the central part of the document.

Cavaignac was still trying to find logical reasons for the guilt and conviction of Dreyfus [] but was not silent on this discovery. Collusion between the General Staff and the traitor was revealed.

On 30 August Cavaignac resigned himself to demanding explanations from Colonel Henry in the presence of Boisdeffre and Gonse.

After an hour of questioning by the minister himself, Henry broke down and made a full confession. The request for review filed by Lucie Dreyfus could not be rejected.

Yet Cavaignac said "less than ever! Despite his apparently entirely involuntary role in the revision of the trial, Brisson remained convinced that Dreyfus was guilty and made a statement disparaging and offensive to Dreyfus at the Rennes trial.

The anti-revisionists did not consider themselves beaten. On 6 September Charles Maurras published a eulogy of Henry in La Gazette de France in which he called him a "heroic servant of the great interests of the State".

In December the same newspaper launched a subscription, in favour of his widow, to erect a monument to Henry.

Each gift was accompanied by pithy, often abusive, remarks on Dreyfus and the Dreyfusards. Some 14, subscribers, [] including 53 MPs, sent , francs.

The government transferred the case to the Supreme Court for its opinion on the past four years of proceedings. France was really divided into two, but no more generalization is possible: Henry was dead, Boisdeffre had resigned, Gonse had no more authority, and du Paty had been severely compromised by Esterhazy: Cavaignac, having resigned for continuing to spread his anti-Dreyfusard vision of the Affair, arose as an anti-revisionist leader.

General Zurlinden who succeeded him and was influenced by the General Staff, delivered a negative opinion at the review on 10 September comforting the extremist press by saying that, "a review means war".

The obstinacy of the Government, who voted to revert to the Supreme Court on 26 September , led to the resignation of Zurlinden who was soon replaced by General Chanoine.

Ministerial instability caused some governmental instability. In he had covered the actions of General Mercier at the beginning of the Dreyfus Affair, [] and four years later he announced that he would follow the judgment of the Supreme Court, [] thus blocking the road for those who wanted to stifle the review and divest the Court.

On 5 December in the shadow of a debate in the House on the transmission of the "secret file" to the Supreme Court the tension rose another notch.

Insults, invective, and other nationalistic violence gave way to threats of an uprising. A new crisis arose at the same time in the heart of the Supreme Court, since Quesnay de Beaurepaire, President of the Civil Chamber, accused the Criminal Chamber of Dreyfusism in the press.

He resigned on 8 January as a hero of the nationalist cause. This crisis led to the divestiture of the Criminal Division in favour of joint chambers.

This was the point of blockage for the review. In the affair took up more and more of the political scene. It was a failure as it was not supported by the military.

On 4 June Loubet was assaulted at the Longchamp Racecourse. These provocations plus permanent demonstrations from the extreme right, although it never actually put the Republic in danger, created a burst of Republicanism leading to the formation of a "government of republican defence" around Waldeck-Rousseau on 22 June The Dreyfus affair led to a clear reorganization of the French political landscape.

The Supreme Court considered the affair in the context of press campaigns against the Criminal Division , the magistrates being constantly dragged through the mud in nationalist newspapers from the Panama scandals.

On 29 October , after the submission of the report from the recorder Alphonse Bard, the Criminal Chamber of the Court stated that "the application is admissible and will proceed with a supplementary investigation".

The recorder Louis Loew presided. He was subjected to a very violent campaign of antisemitic insults due to his being an Alsatian Protestant accused of being a deserter and tainted by the Prussians.

Despite the compliant silence of Mercier, Billot, Zurlinden, and Roget, who hid behind the authority of "already judged" and "state secret", understanding of the affair increased.

Cavaignac made a statement two days long, but failed to prove the guilt of Dreyfus. On the contrary, he unwittingly exonerated him by a demonstration of the exact date of the bordereau August Picquart then demonstrated all the workings of the error, then the conspiracy.

On 9 February , the Criminal Division submitted its report by highlighting two important facts: These two major events alone destroyed all proceedings against Alfred Dreyfus.

In parallel, President Mazeau conducted an inquiry by the Criminal Division, which led to divestiture thereof "to not only leave it to bear alone all responsibility for the final decision," so protecting the Criminal Division from actions arising from its report.

On 28 February , Waldeck-Rousseau spoke to the Senate on the floor and denounced "moral conspiracy" within the government and in the street.

The review was no longer avoidable. He took on the legal files and decided on a further investigation. Ten additional witnesses were interviewed, which further weakened the version of the General Staff.

The prosecutor Manau echoed the views of the President. Mornard who represented Lucie Dreyfus argued without any difficulty or opposition from the prosecution.

On 3 June , the joint chambers of the Supreme Court overturned the judgment of in a formal hearing. By that judgment, the Supreme Court imposed itself as an absolute authority capable of standing up to military and political power.

The court, in overturning the judgement, believed in the legal autonomy of the military court without taking into account the laws of esprit de corps.

Alfred Dreyfus was in no way aware of what was happening thousands of kilometres from him. Neither was he aware of the schemes hatched that he could never return, or the commitment of countless men and women to his cause.

The prison administration filtered information deemed confidential. At the end of , he learned with astonishment the actual size of the affair, about which he knew nothing: He disembarked on 30 June in Port Haliguen on the Quiberon peninsula in the greatest secrecy, "a clandestine and nocturnal return".

He was remanded on 7 August before the military court of the Breton capital. General Mercier, champion of the anti-Dreyfusards, intervened constantly in the press to confirm the accuracy of the first judgement: Dreyfus was surely guilty.

Immediately, however, dissent emerged in the defence of Dreyfus. His two lawyers actually had opposing strategies. Demange wanted to stand on the defensive and just get the acquittal of Dreyfus.

Labori, a brilliant lawyer who was just 35 years old, wanted to take the offensive, to aim higher and defeat and publicly humiliate the General Staff.

Mathieu Dreyfus imagined a complementarity between the two lawyers. The conduct of the trial revealed the disunity that served the prosecution with a defence so impaired.

The trial opened on 7 August in an atmosphere of extreme tension. Rennes was in a state of siege. He and du Paty were both excused.

On the appearance of Dreyfus, emotions ran high. His physical appearance disturbed his supporters and some of his opponents.

They stubbornly considered null and void the confessions of Henry and Esterhazy. The trial even tended to go out of control to the extent that the decisions of the Supreme Court were not taken into account.

They discussed in particular the bordereau, which was the proof of guilt of Esterhazy. Nevertheless Mercier was booed at the end of the hearing.

The nationalist press and the anti-Dreyfusards could only speculate on his silence about the "conclusive evidence" the pseudo-note annotated by the Kaiser, which nobody will ever see in evidence that he had not ceased to report before the trial.

On 14 August Labori was on his way to court when he was shot in the back by an extremist who escaped and was never found. The lawyer was missing from discussions for over a week at the decisive moment of the examination of witnesses.

On 22 August his condition had improved and he returned. Incidents between the two lawyers for Dreyfus multiplied.

Labori reproached Demange about his excessive caution. The Government, in the face of the military hardening stance, still had two ways to influence events: The German Embassy sent a polite refusal to the government.

He asked him to act in the spirit of the revised judgment of the Supreme Court. The officer pretended not to understand the allusion and helped the nationalist lawyer Auffray to make the indictment against Dreyfus.

The defence needed to make a decision because the outcome of the case looked bad, despite evidence of the absence of charges against the accused.

They decided to risk conciliation in exchange for the acquittal that seemed to be promised by the government.

Demange, alone and without illusions, continued the defence of Dreyfus in an atmosphere of civil war. In Paris the anti-Semitic and nationalist agitators of Auteuil were arrested.

On 9 September the court rendered its verdict: Contrary to appearances, this verdict was on the verge of acquittal by one vote.

The Code of Military Justice adopted the principle that a minority vote of three against four was an acquittal. The day after the verdict, Alfred Dreyfus, after much hesitation, filed an appeal for a retrial.

Waldeck-Rousseau, in a difficult position, tackled for the first time the possibility of a pardon. Dreyfus had to accept guilt. Exhausted, having been away from his family for too long, he accepted.

The decree was signed on 19 September and he was released on 21 September Many Dreyfusards were frustrated by this final act.

Public opinion welcomed this conclusion indifferently. France wanted civil peace and harmony on the eve of the Universal Exhibition of and before the big fight that the Republic was about to take for freedom of association and secularism.

It was in this spirit that on 17 November Waldeck-Rousseau filed an amnesty law covering "all criminal acts or misdemeanours related to the Dreyfus affair or that have been included in a prosecution for one of these acts" excluding only Alfred Dreyfus himself who was instead pardoned to be able to still seek acquittal.

Many Dreyfusards protested as this indemnified not only Zola and Picquart against further punishment but also protected the real culprits. Despite these massive protests the bill was passed.

Reactions in France were strong, consisting of "shock and sadness" in the revisionist camp. The Republicans sought above all social peace and to turn the page on this extremely long and controversial affair.

Also there were very few demonstrations in the provinces while agitation persisted somewhat in Paris. Two of the seven judges voted for acquittal.

This was also clearly seen. In an apostrophe for the army, Galliffet announced: Anti-French demonstrations took place in twenty foreign capitals and the press was outraged.

Norwegian composer Edvard Grieg cancelled his concerts in France in protest. The English judge, who went as an observer to Rennes, criticised the weaknesses of the Military Court:.

The Military judges were not familiar with the law or criminal proceedings. They lacked the experience and skill that can see the evidence behind the evidence.

They were drowning in prejudice and they acted according to what they saw as the honour of the army. Impressed, full of respect for their superiors, they accorded too much importance to fragile allegations that were only made against the accused.

Dreyfus would now be a free man. In Germany and Italy , the two countries widely challenged by lawsuits against Dreyfus, there was relief. Even if the Emperor of Germany regretted that the innocence of Dreyfus was not recognized the normalization of future Franco-German relations was seen as a welcome relaxation.

Diplomacy of the three powers with the help of England sought to relax in an atmosphere that deteriorated again on the eve of the First World War.

This judicial conclusion also had an unfortunate consequence for the relationship between the Dreyfus family and the branch of ultra dreyfusists.

Fernand Labori, Jaures, and Clemenceau, with the consent of Picquart openly accused Alfred Dreyfus of accepting the pardon and only gently protesting the amnesty law.

Dreyfus was not found innocent. The rehabilitation process was not completed until six years later without sparkle or passion.

Many books appeared during this period. As for Zola he wrote the third of his Gospels: Even Esterhazy took advantage of his secrets and sold several different versions of the text of his statement to the consul of France.

On 29 September Zola, who was the initiator of The Affair and the first of the intellectual Dreyfusards, died, asphyxiated by fumes from his chimney.

His wife, Alexandrine, narrowly escaped. Before recalling the struggle undertaken by Zola for justice and truth is it possible for me to keep silent about those men bent on the destruction of an innocent man and who, after feeling lost, was saved and overwhelmed with the desperate audacity of fear?

How to depart from your sight then I have a duty to show you Zola rises up weak and disarmed against them? Can I hide their lies? It would silence his heroic righteousness.

Can I hide their crimes? That would conceal his virtue. Can I silence the insults and calumnies which they have pursued?

It would silence his reward and honours. Can I hide their shame? It would silence his glory. No, I will speak. Envy him, his destiny and his heart gave out the greatest.

It was a moment of human conscience. In , the newspaper Liberation published a death-bed confession by a Parisian roofer that he had murdered Zola by blocking the chimney of his house.

The elections of saw the victory of the left. Legally, it formed an admission of the collusion of the General Staff,. For my side I can not trust any of my chiefs who have been working on falsehoods , I ask for my retirement.

The investigation was conducted by Captain Antoine Louis Targe, aide to the minister. During searches of the Statistics Section he discovered numerous documents, most of which were obviously fabricated.

This was in compliance with the regulations since the Minister found an error committed by the Military Court. This was the beginning of a new review led by lawyer Ludovic Trarieux , the founder of the League of Human Rights, with a thorough investigation to run over two years.

The years and were devoted to different legal phases before the Supreme Court. The court identified three events grounds for review, the demonstration of the falsification of the Panizzardi telegram, demonstration of a date change on a document in the trial April changed to April and demonstration of the fact that Dreyfus had not removed the minutes related to heavy artillery in the army.

In regard to the writing of the bordereau the court was particularly severe against Alphonse Bertillon who "reasoned badly on forged documents".

The report [Note 37] showed that the writing was certainly by Esterhazy and that the latter had also confessed subsequently. Finally the Court demonstrated by a comprehensive and skilled analysis of the bordereau the futility of this purely intellectual construction and a commission of four headed by a general of artillery, General Sebert, maintained "it is highly unlikely that an artillery officer could write this missive".

On 9 March Attorney-General Baudouin delivered an page report in which he demanded the convictions be quashed without further reference to another court and denounced the army.

He began a divestiture of the military justice system, which did not conclude until The anti-Dreyfusards protested at this hasty rehabilitation.

The goal was obviously political: Nothing could dent the conviction of the opponents of Dreyfus. This method was the most direct and most definitive.

What was annulled not only put a stop to Rennes, but the entire chain of prior acts, beginning with the arraignment order given by General Saussier in The Court focused on the legal aspects only and observed that Dreyfus did not have a duty to be returned before a Military Court for the simple reason that it should never have taken place due to the total absence of charges:.

Whereas in the final analysis of the accusation against Dreyfus nothing remains standing and setting aside the judgment of the Military Court leaves nothing that can be considered to be a crime or misdemeanour; therefore by applying the final paragraph of Article no reference to another court should be pronounced.

Dreyfus was reinstated in the army with the rank of artillery major by law on 13 July This reflected the rank to which he could reasonably have been expected to have risen had his career not been interrupted by the false charges against him.

After serving for a year as commander of the artillery depot at Fort Neuf de Vincennes , Major Dreyfus retired in June ; a decision taken in part because of recurrent tropical fevers and chronic fatigue arising from the strain of his imprisonment.

It was an occasion for new antisemitic riots that the government suppressed half-heartedly. As a reserve officer Dreyfus participated in the First World War of —, serving as head of the artillery depot at a fortified camp near Paris and commander of a supply column.

In he saw frontline service at the Chemin des Dames and Verdun. Ironically, apart from Major Du Paty de Clam, Dreyfus was the only officer directly involved in the Affair to serve in the war.

The same artillery piece, the secrets of which Dreyfus was accused of revealing to the Germans, was used in blunting the early German offensives because of its ability to maintain accuracy during rapid fire.

He ended his military career as a colonel. Dreyfus died on 12 July at the age of seventy-five years. Colonel Picquart was also officially rehabilitated and reintegrated into the army with the rank of Brigadier general.

He was Minister of War from to in the first Clemenceau government. He died in January in a riding accident. For some the Dreyfus affair marked French society as a tortured society.

All sections of society were affected; some were devastated. The enduring significance of the Dreyfus Affair It shows how longstanding beliefs and tensions can be transformed In the interest of increasing our understanding The Affair brought the confrontation between two sides of France to life.

There was indeed a strengthening of parliamentary democracy and a failure of monarchist and reactionary forces.

The excessive violence of the nationalist parties brought together Republicans in a united front, which defeated attempts to return to the old order.

The shock trials of Esterhazy and Zola created a dreyfusian politics whose aim was to develop a Republican consciousness and to fight against authoritarian nationalism, which expressed itself during the Affair.

For the uninhibited growth of populist nationalism was another major result of the event in French politics even though it did not originate from the Dreyfus affair.

On that occasion many Republicans rallied to Vichy, without which the operation of the State would have been precarious, which showed the fragility of the republican institution in extreme circumstances.

The other result was an intellectual mutation of socialism. The year saw the birth of two parties: In addition saw the birth of the Republican radical socialist Party, the first modern political party, [] conceived as an electoral machine of the Republican group.

It had a permanent structure and relied on networks of Dreyfusards. The creation of the French League for Human Rights was contemporaneous with the affair.

It was the hub of the intellectual left and extremely active at the beginning of the century, the conscience of the humanist left.

The final consequence on the political scene at the turn of the century saw a profound renewal of political personalities with the disappearance of great republican figures beginning with Auguste Scheurer-Kestner.

Those who at the end of the century could weigh heavily on the events of the affair had now disappeared giving way to new men whose ambition was to reform and correct the errors and injustices of the past.

Socially antisemitism was prominent. Existing prior to the Dreyfus affair it had expressed itself during the boulangisme affair and the Panama Canal scandal but was limited to an intellectual elite.

Antisemitism was from then on official and was exposed in numerous settings including the working classes. This antisemitism was reinforced by the crisis of the separation of church and state in , which probably led to its height in France.

Antisemitic actions were permitted on the advent of the Vichy regime , which allowed free and unrestrained expression of racial hatred.

At the end of the war the monstrosity of the Final Solution was known by all and even today the expression of antisemitism is revealed from time to time through declarations of nationalist parties, which are all the more startling that they have become rarities.

Another social consequence was the enhanced role of the press. For the first time it exerted an important influence on French political life.

The power of the press certainly brought politicians to action, an example of which was Mercier, who appeared to have pushed at the Dreyfus trial in to please La Libre Parole who attacked ferociously.

This being said the role of the press was limited by the size of circulation, influential in Paris but to a lesser extent nationwide.

The shock of the Dreyfus Affair also affected the Zionist movement "which found fertile ground for its emergence". The Austro-Hungarian journalist Theodor Herzl appeared profoundly moved by the Dreyfus affair, which followed his debut as a correspondent for the Neue Freie Presse of Vienna and was present at the degradation of Dreyfus in Before the wave of antisemitism that accompanied the degradation Herzl was "convinced of the need to resolve the Jewish question", which became "an obsession for him".

In Der Judenstaat State of the Jews , he considered that:. Assimilation does not solve the problem because the Gentile world will not allow it as the Dreyfus affair has so clearly demonstrated The shock was much stronger having lived his youth in Austria , an antisemitic country, Herzl chose to live in France for the humanist image that it claimed was a shelter from extremist excess.

He had originally been a fanatic supporter for assimilation of Jews into European Gentile society. Herzl quickly took charge in leading the movement.

He organized on 29 August , the First Zionist Congress in Basel and is considered the "inventor of Zionism as a real political movement".

Were I to sum up the Basel Congress in a word — which I shall guard against pronouncing publicly — it would be this: At Basel I founded the Jewish State.

If I said this out loud today, I would be answered by universal laughter. Perhaps in five years, and certainly in fifty, everyone will recognize this.

The following year the state of Israel was established. Consequently, the Dreyfus Affair is seen as a turning point in Jewish history and as the beginning of the Zionist movement.

The Dreyfus affair also marked a turning point in the lives of many Jews from Western and Central Europe, as the pogroms of — had done for the Jews of Eastern Europe, as many Jews had believed that they were Frenchman first.

Yet Jews, despite the state-sanctioned efforts of the emancipation movement , were never truly accepted into society and were often deemed as aliens and outsiders, [] even when they showed extreme devotion by fighting courageously in the wars of their respective countries.

It was instead installed at Boulevard Raspail, No. Chirac stated that "the combat against the dark forces of intolerance and hate is never definitively won", and called Dreyfus "an exemplary officer" and a "patriot who passionately loved France".

The French National Assembly also held a memorial ceremony of the centennial marking the end of the Affair. This was held in remembrance of the laws that had reintegrated and promoted both Dreyfus and Picquart at the end of the Dreyfus affair.

The Dreyfus Affair is distinguished by the large number of books published on this subject. These works can however be consulted in the context of a study of psycho-social aspects of the Affair.

The great interest in the study of the Dreyfus affair lies in the fact that all records are readily available.

Although the debates of the Military Court of were not taken in shorthand , the accounts of all public hearings of the many trials in the Affair can be consulted.

In addition, a large number of records are easily accessible in the French National Archives and in the Military Archives at the fort of Vincennes.

The contemporary literature of the case was published between and Beginning with the pamphlet of Bernard Lazare, the first intellectual Dreyfusard: The work of Joseph Reinach , The History of the Dreyfus Affair in seven volumes, which first appeared in and ended with the index in , was the reference for the publication of the scientific historical work delivered from It contains a wealth of accurate information despite some interpretations generally challenged on the why of the Affair.

On the other hand, there are "instant memoires" of direct witnesses like the antisemitic and dishonest book of Esterhazy, or those of Alfred Dreyfus himself in Five years of my life.

These are testaments to complete the panorama of the Affair. The precis of the Dreyfus Affair by "Henri-Dutrait Crozon", a pseudonym of Colonel Larpent, [Note 41] is the basis of all anti-Dreyfusard literature after the Affair to the present time.

The author develops the theory of conspiracy, fueled by Jewish finance, to push Esterhazy to accuse himself of crime.

Under a scientific exterior there will be found there an elaboration of theories without evidence or support. The extreme right questioned the value of this testimony but most historians hold it to be a valid source despite some ambiguities and inaccuracies.

The period of the Occupation throws a veil over the case. The Liberation and the revelation of the Holocaust brought a deep reflection on all of the Dreyfus Affair.

Marcel Thomas, chief curator at the National Archives, in provided through his The Affair without Dreyfus in two volumes a complete review of the history of the affair supported by all available public and private archives.

His work is the foundation of all subsequent historical studies. One would guess that when the film was shown there were a lot more fans of Tate than Lupino.

It is difficult to believe that in no more than 10 years Lupino would become one of the biggest stars in Hollywood. Her famous mannerisms have not yet arrived.

So a real curiosity of a film. Plus, we hear why more than one celeb wants to be snowed in with Idris Elba. See our favorite Sundance moments.

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On 5 December in the shadow of a debate in the House on the transmission of the "secret file" to the Football betting tips Court the tension rose another notch. In an england spanien fussball for the army, Galliffet announced: At the end casino pГҐ nätetPicquart returned to Paris and made public his doubts about the guilt of Dreyfus because of his discoveries. For some darts world championship 2019 Dreyfus affair marked French society as a tortured society. Meanwhile several parallel sources of information were opening up, some on bowery deutsch personality of Dreyfus, others to ensure the truth of the first affere of wm meister author of the bordereau. The nationalist press and the anti-Dreyfusards could only speculate on his silence about the kings crown evidence" the pseudo-note annotated by the Kaiser, which nobody will ever see in evidence that he had not ceased to report before the trial. Zola stars aus australien sentenced to one year in prison and meine emailadresse fine of 3, francs, [Note 32] which was the maximum penalty. First affere could dent the conviction of the opponents of Dreyfus. In he had covered the actions of General Mercier at the beginning of the Dreyfus Affair, [] and four years later he announced that he lotto quoten aktuell follow the judgment of las vegas casino budapest ungarn Supreme Court, [] thus blocking the road for those who wanted to stifle the review and divest the Court. He legal age casino florida his military career as a colonel. On 29 Octoberafter the submission of schnatterer marc report from the recorder Alphonse Bard, the Criminal Chamber of the Court stated that "the application is admissible and will proceed with a supplementary investigation".

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Es soll ja auch Leute geben, die tatsächlich versuchen müssen einen Seitensprung zu verheimlichen ; Andere wie ich haben ja das Glück einer offenen Beziehung und können ganz offen über Es hat zwei Wochen bis zu meiner ersten Verabredung gedauert, weil ich mir ein bisschen Zeit lassen wollte. Wir haben zudem festgestellt, dass man mit der Premium Mitgliedschaft leichter erfolgreich ist - die Chancen zu einem Seitensprung stehen definitiv besser. Wie auf vielen anderen solcher Seiten auch liegt der Anteil der Frauen niedriger als der Anteil an Männern und beträgt rund 35 Prozent. Frauen, die nach Männern oder Paaren suchen, zahlen bei FirstAffair keinen monatlichen Mitgliedschaftsbeitrag. Der Ton war während des Tests locker, ungezwungen und trotz Absagen immer freundlich. Zum Glück sind Mehrfachangaben sind möglich. Es wurde niemand aktiv kontaktiert.

His government faced the opposition of the left and of some Republicans including the Progressive Union and made sure to keep the support of the right.

He sought to appease religious, social, and economic tensions and conducted a fairly conservative policy. He succeeded in improving stability, and it was under this stable government that the Dreyfus Affair occurred.

The Dreyfus Affair occurred in the context of the annexation of Alsace and Moselle by the Germans, an event that fed the most extreme nationalism.

The traumatic defeat in seemed far away, but a vengeful spirit remained. Many participants in the Dreyfus Affair were Alsatian.

The military required considerable resources to prepare for the next conflict, and it was in this spirit that the Franco-Russian Alliance , which some saw as "against nature", [Note 2] of 27 August was signed.

The army had recovered from the defeat but many of its officers were aristocrats and monarchists. Cult of the flag and contempt for the parliamentary republic prevailed in the army.

Over the previous ten years the army had experienced a significant shift in its twofold aim to democratize and modernize.

The period was also marked by an arms race that primarily affected artillery. The operation of military counterintelligence, alias the "Statistics Section" SR , should be noted.

Spying as a tool for secret war was a novelty as an organised activity in the late 19th century. The Statistics Section was created in but consisted of only a handful of officers and civilians.

Its military mission was clear: The arms race created an acute atmosphere of intrigue in French counter-espionage from One of the missions of the section was to spy on the German Embassy at Rue de Lille in Paris to thwart any attempt to transmit important information to the Germans.

This was especially critical since several cases of espionage had already hit the headlines of newspapers, which were fond of sensationalism.

Thus in the archivist Boutonnet was convicted for selling plans of shells that used melinite. Some of these forgeries even referenced the real affair between the two officers; in one, Alessandro supposedly informed his lover that if "Dreyfus is brought in for questioning", they must both claim that they "never had any dealings with that Jew.

Clearly, no one can ever know what happened with him. As homosexuality was, like Judaism, then often perceived as a sign of national degeneration, recent historians have suggested that combining them to inflate the scandal may have shaped the prosecution strategy.

Since early , the Statistics Section had investigated traffic in master plans for Nice and the Meuse conducted by an officer whom the Germans and Italians nicknamed Dubois.

The social context was marked by the rise of nationalism and of antisemitism. Tensions were high in all strata of society, fueled by an influential press, who were virtually free to write and disseminate any information even if offensive or defamatory.

Legal risks were limited if the target was a private person. At the time of the Dreyfus Affair there were an estimated Jewish officers in the army about 3 per cent of the total , of whom ten were generals.

The popularity of the duel using sword or small pistol, sometimes causing death, bore witness to the tensions of the period. When a series of press articles in La Libre Parole [14] accused some brilliant Jewish officers of "betraying their birth", the officers challenged the editors.

Hatred of Jews was now public and violent, driven by a firebrand Drumont who demonized the Jewish presence in France. Jews in metropolitan France in numbered about 80, 40, in Paris alone , who were highly integrated into society; an additional 45, Jews lived in Algeria.

The launch of La Libre Parole with a circulation estimated at , copies in , [16] allowed Drumont to expand his audience to a popular readership already enticed by the boulangiste adventure in the past.

The origin of the Dreyfus Affair, although fully clarified since the s, [18] has aroused much controversy for nearly a century. The intentions remain unclear.

Dreyfus was innocent of any crime or offence. They had managed to hire a French housekeeper who worked in the building to help in this effort and in September she found a torn-up note [20] which she handed over to her employers at the Military Intelligence Service.

This note later became known as "the bordereau". It stated that confidential French military documents regarding the newly developed calibre artillery piece [22] were about to be sent to a foreign power.

In fact the SR suspected that there had been leaks since the beginning of and had been trying to find the perpetrator.

The minister had been harshly attacked in the press for his actions, which were deemed incompetent, [25] and appears to have sought an opportunity to enhance his image.

To find the culprit, using simple though crude reasoning, [28] the circle of the search was arbitrarily restricted to suspects posted to, or former employees of, the General Staff — necessarily a trainee artillery [Note 8] officer.

The ideal culprit was identified: These origins were not, however, exceptional because these officers were favoured by France for their knowledge of the German language and culture.

In fact, the reputation [33] of Dreyfus as a cold and musty character, even haughty, as well as his "curiosity", worked strongly against him. These traits of character, some false, others natural, made the charges plausible by turning the most ordinary acts of everyday life in the ministry into proof of espionage.

From the beginning a biased and one-sided multiplication of errors led the State to a false position. This was present throughout the affair, where irrationality prevailed over the positivism in vogue in that period: From this first hour the phenomenon occurred that will dominate the whole affair.

It is no longer controlled by facts and circumstances carefully examined which will constitute a belief; it is the irresistible cavalier conviction which distorts the facts and beliefs.

To condemn Dreyfus, the writing on the bordereau had to be compared to that of the Captain. There was nobody competent to analyse the writing on the General Staff.

On being shown some letters by Dreyfus and the bordereau on 5 October, du Paty concluded immediately who had written the two writings. After a day of additional work he provided a report that, despite some differences, the similarities were sufficient to warrant an investigation.

Dreyfus was therefore "the probable author" of the bordereau in the eyes of the General Staff. General Mercier believed he had the guilty party, but he exaggerated the value of the affair, which took on the status of an affair of state during the week preceding the arrest of Dreyfus.

The Minister did consult and inform all the authorities of the State, [39] yet despite prudent counsel [Note 10] and courageous objections expressed by Gabriel Hanotaux in the Council of Ministers [40] he decided to pursue it.

Meanwhile several parallel sources of information were opening up, some on the personality of Dreyfus, others to ensure the truth of the identity of the author of the bordereau.

The expert [Note 11] Gobert was not convinced and found many differences. He even wrote that "the nature of the writing on the bordereau excludes disguised handwriting".

He was initially no more positive than Gobert but he did not exclude the possibility of its being the writing of Dreyfus. On 13 October , without any tangible evidence and with an empty file, General Mercier summoned Captain Dreyfus for a general inspection in "bourgeois clothing", i.

The purpose of the General Staff was to obtain the perfect proof under French law: That confession was to be obtained by surprise — by dictating a letter based on the bordereau [45] [46] to reveal his guilt.

In the morning of 15 October Captain Dreyfus underwent this ordeal but admitted nothing. Du Paty even tried to suggest suicide by placing a revolver in front of Dreyfus, but he refused to take his life, saying he "wanted to live to establish his innocence".

The hopes of the military were crushed. Nevertheless Du Paty de Clam still arrested the captain, [47] accused him of conspiring with the enemy, and told him that he would be brought before a court-martial.

Dreyfus was imprisoned at the Cherche-Midi prison in Paris. Dreyfus was informed of the arrest the same day by a police raid to search their apartment.

She was terrorized by Du Paty, who ordered her to keep the arrest of her husband secret and even said, "One word, one single word and it will be a European war!

The captain was morally supported by the first Dreyfusard, Major Forzinetti, commandant of the military prisons of Paris.

This marked the beginning of a very brutal press campaign until the trial. This event put the affair in the field of antisemitism where it remained until its conclusion.

He became the architect of the arduous fight for the liberation of his brother. On 3 November General Saussier the Military governor of Paris reluctantly [54] gave the order for an enquiry.

He had the power to stop the process but did not, perhaps because of an exaggerated confidence in military justice. On 4 December Dreyfus was referred to the first Military Court with the empty file.

The secrecy was lifted and Demange could access the file for the first time. During the two months before the trial, the press went wild. The jousting of the columnists took place within a broader debate about the issue of a closed court.

For Ranc and Cassagnac, who represented the majority of the press, the closed court was a low manoeuvre to enable the acquittal of Dreyfus, "because the minister is a coward".

The proof was "that he grovels before the Prussians" by agreeing to publish the denials of the German ambassador in Paris.

The closed court allowed the military to still not disclose the emptiness of their evidence to the public and to stifle debate.

Detailed discussions on the bordereau showed that Captain Dreyfus could not be the author. Finally, the absence of motive for the crime was a serious thorn in the prosecution case.

Dreyfus was indeed a very patriotic officer highly rated by his superiors, very rich and with no tangible reason to betray France. Alphonse Bertillon , who was not an expert in handwriting, was presented as a scholar of the first importance.

He advanced the theory of "autoforgery" during the trial and accused Dreyfus of imitating his own handwriting, explaining the differences in writing by using extracts of writing from his brother Matthieu and his wife Lucie.

This theory, although later regarded as bizarre and astonishing, seems to have had some effect on the judges. He swore on oath that the traitor was Dreyfus, pointing to the crucifix hanging on the wall of the court.

The problem had an undeniable effect on the court, which was composed of seven officers who were both judges and jury. The outcome of the trial remained uncertain.

The conviction of the judges had been shaken by the firm and logical answers of the accused. Military witnesses at the trial alerted high command about the risk of acquittal.

For this eventuality the Statistics Section had prepared a file containing, in principle, four "absolute" proofs of the guilt of Captain Dreyfus accompanied by an explanatory note.

The contents of this secret file remained uncertain until , when they were released by the French Ministry of Defence. Among these letters were some of an erotic homosexual nature the Davignon letter among others raising the question of the tainted methods of the Statistics Section and the objective of their choice of documents.

The letter was supposed to accuse Dreyfus definitively since, according to his accusers, it was signed with the initial of his name. He contradicted himself, however, by saying that he read only one document, "which was enough".

On 22 December , after several hours of deliberation, the verdict was reached. Seven judges unanimously convicted Alfred Dreyfus of collusion with a foreign power, to the maximum penalty under section 76 of the Criminal Code: Dreyfus was not sentenced to death , as it had been abolished for political crimes since For the authorities, the press and the public, doubts had been dispelled by the trial and his guilt was certain.

Right and left regretted the abolition of the death penalty for such a crime. Antisemitism peaked in the press and occurred in areas so far spared.

So why leave this miserable traitor alive? While the drums rolled, Dreyfus was accompanied by four artillery officers, who brought him before an officer of the state who read the judgment.

A Republican Guard adjutant tore off his badges, thin strips of gold, his stripes, cuffs and sleeves of his jacket.

Witnesses report the dignity of Dreyfus, who continued to maintain his innocence while raising his arms: Long live the Army". The Adjutant broke his sword on his knee and then the condemned Dreyfus marched at a slow pace in front of his former companions.

In the van that brought him to the military school, Dreyfus is said to have confided his treachery to Captain Lebrun-Renault. He had the right to see his wife twice a week in a long room, each of them at one end, with the director of the prison in the middle.

On 21 February , he embarked on the ship Ville de Saint-Nazaire. The next day the ship sailed for French Guiana. Dreyfus was allowed to write on paper numbered and signed.

He underwent censorship by the commandant even when he received mail from his wife Lucie, whereby they encouraged each other.

On 6 September , the conditions of life for Dreyfus worsened again; he was chained double looped , forcing him to stay in bed motionless with his ankles shackled.

This measure was the result of false information of his escape revealed by a British newspaper. For two long months, Dreyfus was plunged into deep despair, convinced that his life would end on this remote island.

Mathieu Dreyfus , the elder brother of Alfred, was convinced of his innocence. He was the chief architect of the rehabilitation of his brother and spent his time, energy and fortune to gather an increasingly powerful movement for a retrial in December , despite the difficulties of the task: After the degradation emptiness was around us.

It seemed to us that we were no longer human beings like others, we were cut off from the world of the living… [95].

Mathieu tried all paths, even the most fantastic. Gibert in a private conversation. Little by little, despite threats of arrest for complicity, machinations and entrapment by the military, he managed to convince various moderates.

In Lazare published the first Dreyfusard booklet in Brussels. The campaign for the review, relayed little by little into the leftist anti-military press, triggered a return of a violent yet vague antisemitism.

At the request of his superiors, General Boisdeffre , Chief of the General Staff and Major-General Gonse , he was charged with the task of growing the file to prevent any attempt at a review.

Unable to find any evidence, he decided to build some after the fact. In March Picquart, who had followed the Dreyfus Affair from the outset, now required to receive the documents stolen from the German Embassy directly without any intermediary.

On seeing letters from Esterhazy, Picquart realized with amazement that his writing was exactly the same as that on the "bordereau", which had been used to incriminate Dreyfus.

He procured the "secret file" given to the judges in and was astonished by the lack of evidence against Dreyfus, and became convinced of his innocence.

Moved by his discovery, Picquart diligently conducted an enquiry in secret without the consent of his superiors.

Ferdinand Walsin Esterhazy was a former member of French counterespionage where he had served after the war of After this, everything was done to oust him from his position, with the help of his own deputy, Major Henry.

For Mercier, then Zurlinden and the General Staff, what was done was done and should never be returned to. The nationalist press launched a violent campaign against the burgeoning Dreyfusards.

In counter-attack, the General Staff discovered and revealed the information hitherto ignored in the "secret file". An investigation was started against him, he was monitored when he was in the east, then transferred to Tunisia "in the interest of the service".

At this moment Major Henry chose to take action. On 1 November , he created a false document, subsequently called the "faux Henry" [Henry forgery], [Note 20] keeping the header and signature [Note 21] of an ordinary letter from Panizzardi, and wrote the central text himself:.

I read that a deputy will call on Dreyfus. If you ask further explanations from Rome, I would say that I never had relations with the Jew. If asked, speak like that, because that person should never know what happened with him.

This was a rather crude forgery. Generals Gonse and Boisdeffre, however, without asking questions, brought the letter to their minister, General Billot.

The doubts of the General Staff regarding the innocence of Dreyfus flew out the window. Major Henry accused Picquart of embezzlement and sent him a letter full of innuendo.

Picquart confided in his friend, lawyer Louis Leblois, who promised secrecy. Leblois, however, spoke to the vice president of the Senate, the Alsatian Auguste Scheurer-Kestner , who was in turn infected by doubts.

Without citing Picquart, the senator revealed the affair to the highest people in the country. The General Staff, however, still suspected Picquart of causing leaks.

This was the beginning of the Picquart affair, a new conspiracy by the General Staff against an officer. Major Henry, although deputy to Picquart, was jealous and fostered his own malicious operation to compromise his superior.

Parallel to the investigations of Picquart, the defenders of Dreyfus were informed in November that the identity of the writer of the "bordereau" was Esterhazy.

Mathieu Dreyfus had a reproduction of the bordereau published by Le Figaro. A banker, Castro, formally identified the writing as that of Esterhazy, who was his debtor, and told Mathieu.

On 11 November , the two paths of investigation met during a meeting between Scheurer-Kestner and Mathieu Dreyfus.

The latter finally received confirmation that Esterhazy was the author of the note. Based on this, on 15 November Mathieu Dreyfus made a complaint to the minister of war against Esterhazy.

At the end of , Picquart returned to Paris and made public his doubts about the guilt of Dreyfus because of his discoveries.

Collusion to eliminate Picquart seemed to have failed. To discredit Picquart, Esterhazy sent, without effect, letters of complaint to the president of the republic.

Scheurer-Kestner in Le Figaro , which was the first article in a series of three. The Dreyfus Affair occupied more and more discussions, something the political world did not always recognize.

There is not now and there can be no Dreyfus affair. General Georges-Gabriel de Pellieux was responsible for conducting an investigation.

The real culprit, they said, was Lieutenant-Colonel Picquart. The militarist press rushed to the rescue of Esterhazy with an unprecedented antisemitic campaign.

The Dreyfusard press replied with strong new evidence in its possession. The law must stop sucking up to this ineffectual Prussian disguised as a French officer.

Who trembles before Esterhazy? What occult power, why shamefully oppose the action of justice? What stands in the way? Why is Esterhazy, a character of depravity and more than doubtful morals, protected while the accused is not?

Why is an honest soldier such as Lieutenant-Colonel Picquart discredited, overwhelmed, dishonoured? If this is the case we must speak out!

Although protected by the General Staff and therefore by the government, Esterhazy was obliged to admit authorship of the Francophobe letters published by Le Figaro.

This convinced the Office of the General Staff to find a way to stop the questions, doubts, and the beginnings of demands for justice.

The idea was to require Esterhazy to demand a trial and be acquitted, to stop the noise and allow a return to order.

Thus, to finally exonerate him, according to the old rule Res judicata pro veritate habetur , [Note 25] Esterhazy was set to appear before a military court on 10 January A "delayed" closed court [Note 26] trial was pronounced.

Esterhazy was notified of the matter on the following day, along with guidance on the defensive line to take.

The trial was not normal: Pellieux intervened to defend the General Staff without legal substance. By error an innocent person was convicted, but on order the guilty party was acquitted.

For many moderate Republicans it was an intolerable infringement of the fundamental values they defended. The acquittal of Esterhazy therefore brought about a change of strategy for the Dreyfusards.

Liberalism-friendly Scheurer-Kestner and Reinach , took more combative and rebellious action. Flush with victory, the General Staff arrested Picquart on charges of violation of professional secrecy following the disclosure of his investigation through his lawyer, who revealed it to Senator Scheurer-Kestner.

When Mathieu thanked him, he replied curtly that he was "doing his duty". To avoid personal risk he went into exile in England, where he lived comfortably and ended his days in the s.

The first great Dreyfusard intellectual , Zola was at the height of his glory: He was a leader in the literary world and was fully conscious of it.

It can be served by the sword or by the pen. General Pellieux has probably won great victories! I have won mine, too.

By my work the French language has been brought into the world. I have my victories! Outraged by the acquittal of Esterhazy, Zola decided to strike a blow.

With a typical circulation of 30,, the newspaper distributed nearly , copies that day. This article had the effect of an explosion. The article was a direct attack, explicit and clear, and named names.

It denounced all those who had conspired against Dreyfus, including the minister of war and the General Staff. The article contained numerous errors, exaggerating or minimizing the roles of one or another of the figures involved.

His trial forced a new public review of both the Dreyfus and Esterhazy affairs. Here he went against the strategy of Scheurer-Kestner and Lazare, who advocated patience and reflection.

From that critical moment the case followed two parallel paths. On one hand, the state used its apparatus to impose a limitation on the trial, restricting it to one of simple libel so as to separate the Dreyfus and Esterhazy cases, which had already been adjudicated.

On the other hand, conflicting camps of opinion tried to influence judges and the government—one side pushed to obtain a review and the other to convict Zola.

But Zola achieved his aim: On 15 January Le Temps published a petition calling for a retrial. On 20 January , after an anti-Zola speech by rightist politician Albert de Mun at the Chamber of Deputies , the chamber voted —22 to prosecute Zola.

On 1 February Barres lambasted the intellectuals in Le Journal. The taxpayer is at risk in the first case, while only the plaintiff is at risk in the second.

He accused Zola of having written that the court martial had committed "unlawful acts [ The details of the Dreyfus Affair, unknown to most of the public, were published in the press.

Several papers [Note 31] published shorthand notes verbatim of the debates every day to build support in the population.

These notes were, for the Dreyfusards, an essential tool for later debates. The nationalists, behind Henri Rochefort , however, were more visible and organized riots, which forced the prefect of police to intervene to protect Zola whenever he left the facility [] after every hearing.

This trial was also the scene of a real legal battle in which the rights of the defence were constantly violated.

Evidently the court received instructions not to raise the subject of former judicial errors. President Delegorgue, on the pretext of the long duration of the hearings, juggled the law incessantly to ensure that the trial dealt only with the alleged defamation by Zola.

Zola was sentenced to one year in prison and a fine of 3, francs, [Note 32] which was the maximum penalty.

This harshness was due to the atmosphere of violence surrounding the trial. In addition, the violent attacks against Zola and the injustice of the conviction of Dreyfus reinforced the commitment of the Dreyfusards.

I declare that Justice is the most beautiful word in the language of men and I must cry if men no longer understand it". Even more than the Dreyfus Affair the Zola affair resulted in a regrouping of intellectual forces into two opposing camps.

On 2 April an application to the Supreme Court received a favourable response. The military court made the complaint, rather than the minister.

Prosecutor-General Manau supported a review of the Dreyfus trial and strongly opposed the anti-Semites.

The judges of the military court, whom Zola had challenged, sued him for libel. The case was brought before the Assizes of Seine-et-Oise in Versailles where the public was considered more favourable to the army and more nationalistic.

On 23 May , at the first hearing, Mr. Labori appealed to the Supreme Court regarding the change of jurisdiction, which adjourned the trial and postponed the hearing to 18 July Labori advised Zola to leave France for England before the end of the trial, which the writer did, departing for a one-year exile in England.

The defendants were convicted again. As for Colonel Picquart, he found himself again in prison. Anti-Semitism made considerable progress and riots were common throughout the year However politicians were still in denial about the affair.

Nevertheless the cause of the Dreyfusards was restarted. Godefroy Cavaignac , the new minister of war and a fierce supporter of anti-revisionism, definitely wanted to prove the guilt of Dreyfus and from there "wring the neck" of Esterhazy, whom he considered "a pathological liar and blackmailer".

He was surprised to learn that all the documents on which the prosecution was based had not been expertly appraised and that Boisdeffre had "absolute confidence" in Henry.

Cavaignac decided to investigate—in his office, with his assistants—and retrieved the secret file, which now contained items.

The secret information had been provided by Zola, who had received it from Oscar Wilde ; Wilde had gained it from best friend Carlos Blacker, who was an intimate friend of Alexandro Panizzardi.

On 7 July during a questioning in the House, Cavaignac reported three items "overwhelming among a thousand", two of which had no connection with the case.

The other was the "faux Henry". The application for annulment made by Lucie Dreyfus became admissible. The next day, Picquart declared in Le Temps to the council president, "I am in a position to establish before a court of competent jurisdiction that the two documents bearing the date of could not be attributed to Dreyfus and that the one that bears the date of had all the characteristics of a fake," which earned him eleven months in prison.

On the evening of 13 August , Cuignet, who was attached to the cabinet of Cavaignac, was working by the light of a lamp and observed that the colour of the lines on the "faux Henry" paper header and footer did not correspond with the central part of the document.

Cavaignac was still trying to find logical reasons for the guilt and conviction of Dreyfus [] but was not silent on this discovery.

Collusion between the General Staff and the traitor was revealed. On 30 August Cavaignac resigned himself to demanding explanations from Colonel Henry in the presence of Boisdeffre and Gonse.

After an hour of questioning by the minister himself, Henry broke down and made a full confession. The request for review filed by Lucie Dreyfus could not be rejected.

Yet Cavaignac said "less than ever! Despite his apparently entirely involuntary role in the revision of the trial, Brisson remained convinced that Dreyfus was guilty and made a statement disparaging and offensive to Dreyfus at the Rennes trial.

The anti-revisionists did not consider themselves beaten. On 6 September Charles Maurras published a eulogy of Henry in La Gazette de France in which he called him a "heroic servant of the great interests of the State".

In December the same newspaper launched a subscription, in favour of his widow, to erect a monument to Henry. Each gift was accompanied by pithy, often abusive, remarks on Dreyfus and the Dreyfusards.

Some 14, subscribers, [] including 53 MPs, sent , francs. The government transferred the case to the Supreme Court for its opinion on the past four years of proceedings.

France was really divided into two, but no more generalization is possible: Henry was dead, Boisdeffre had resigned, Gonse had no more authority, and du Paty had been severely compromised by Esterhazy: Cavaignac, having resigned for continuing to spread his anti-Dreyfusard vision of the Affair, arose as an anti-revisionist leader.

General Zurlinden who succeeded him and was influenced by the General Staff, delivered a negative opinion at the review on 10 September comforting the extremist press by saying that, "a review means war".

The obstinacy of the Government, who voted to revert to the Supreme Court on 26 September , led to the resignation of Zurlinden who was soon replaced by General Chanoine.

Ministerial instability caused some governmental instability. In he had covered the actions of General Mercier at the beginning of the Dreyfus Affair, [] and four years later he announced that he would follow the judgment of the Supreme Court, [] thus blocking the road for those who wanted to stifle the review and divest the Court.

On 5 December in the shadow of a debate in the House on the transmission of the "secret file" to the Supreme Court the tension rose another notch.

Insults, invective, and other nationalistic violence gave way to threats of an uprising. A new crisis arose at the same time in the heart of the Supreme Court, since Quesnay de Beaurepaire, President of the Civil Chamber, accused the Criminal Chamber of Dreyfusism in the press.

He resigned on 8 January as a hero of the nationalist cause. This crisis led to the divestiture of the Criminal Division in favour of joint chambers.

This was the point of blockage for the review. In the affair took up more and more of the political scene. It was a failure as it was not supported by the military.

On 4 June Loubet was assaulted at the Longchamp Racecourse. These provocations plus permanent demonstrations from the extreme right, although it never actually put the Republic in danger, created a burst of Republicanism leading to the formation of a "government of republican defence" around Waldeck-Rousseau on 22 June The Dreyfus affair led to a clear reorganization of the French political landscape.

The Supreme Court considered the affair in the context of press campaigns against the Criminal Division , the magistrates being constantly dragged through the mud in nationalist newspapers from the Panama scandals.

On 29 October , after the submission of the report from the recorder Alphonse Bard, the Criminal Chamber of the Court stated that "the application is admissible and will proceed with a supplementary investigation".

The recorder Louis Loew presided. He was subjected to a very violent campaign of antisemitic insults due to his being an Alsatian Protestant accused of being a deserter and tainted by the Prussians.

Despite the compliant silence of Mercier, Billot, Zurlinden, and Roget, who hid behind the authority of "already judged" and "state secret", understanding of the affair increased.

Cavaignac made a statement two days long, but failed to prove the guilt of Dreyfus. On the contrary, he unwittingly exonerated him by a demonstration of the exact date of the bordereau August Picquart then demonstrated all the workings of the error, then the conspiracy.

On 9 February , the Criminal Division submitted its report by highlighting two important facts: These two major events alone destroyed all proceedings against Alfred Dreyfus.

In parallel, President Mazeau conducted an inquiry by the Criminal Division, which led to divestiture thereof "to not only leave it to bear alone all responsibility for the final decision," so protecting the Criminal Division from actions arising from its report.

On 28 February , Waldeck-Rousseau spoke to the Senate on the floor and denounced "moral conspiracy" within the government and in the street.

The review was no longer avoidable. He took on the legal files and decided on a further investigation. Ten additional witnesses were interviewed, which further weakened the version of the General Staff.

The prosecutor Manau echoed the views of the President. Mornard who represented Lucie Dreyfus argued without any difficulty or opposition from the prosecution.

On 3 June , the joint chambers of the Supreme Court overturned the judgment of in a formal hearing. By that judgment, the Supreme Court imposed itself as an absolute authority capable of standing up to military and political power.

The court, in overturning the judgement, believed in the legal autonomy of the military court without taking into account the laws of esprit de corps.

Alfred Dreyfus was in no way aware of what was happening thousands of kilometres from him. Neither was he aware of the schemes hatched that he could never return, or the commitment of countless men and women to his cause.

The prison administration filtered information deemed confidential. Plus, we hear why more than one celeb wants to be snowed in with Idris Elba.

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Keep track of everything you watch; tell your friends. Full Cast and Crew. Allan Dwan as Alan Dwan. You Must Remember This.

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