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Let Mau Mau perish forever. All people should search for Mau Mau and kill it. In October , Kenyatta was arrested and driven to Nairobi, where he was taken aboard a plane and flown to Lokitaung , northwest Kenya, one of the most remote locations in the country.

Lonsdale stated that Kenyatta had been made a "scapegoat", [] while the historian A. Assensoh later suggested that the authorities "knew very well" that Kenyatta was not involved in the Mau Mau, but that they were nevertheless committed to silencing his calls for independence.

The trial took place in Kapenguria , a remote area near the Ugandan border that the authorities hoped would not attract crowds or attention.

Rawson Macharia , the main prosecution witness, turned out to have perjured himself; the judge had only recently been awarded an unusually large pension and maintained secret contact with the then colonial Governor Evelyn Baring.

In April , Judge Thacker found the defendants guilty. Maloba later characterised it as "a rigged political trial with a predetermined outcome".

Kenyatta and the others were returned to Lokitaung, where they resided on remand while awaiting the results of the appeal process.

He later noted that this was despite the fact his case was one of the strongest he had ever presented during his career.

During the appeal process, a prison had been built at Lokitaung, where Kenyatta and the four others were then interned.

His sentence served, in April Kenyatta was released from Lokitaung. This indefinite detention was widely interpreted internationally as a reflection of the cruelties of British imperialism.

By this point, it was widely accepted that Kenyan independence was inevitable, with the British Empire having been dismantled throughout much of Asia and Macmillan having made his " Wind of Change " speech.

Renison decided to release Kenyatta before Kenya achieved independence. He thought public exposure to Kenyatta prior to elections would make the populace less likely to vote for a man Renison regarded as a violent extremist.

Kenyatta travelled elsewhere in Africa, visiting Tanganyika in October and Ethiopia in November at the invite of their governments. Ethnic Somalis inhabited this region and claimed it should be part of Somalia, not Kenya.

Kenyatta sought to gain the confidence of the white settler community. In he returned to London to attend one of the Lancaster House conferences.

The British government considered Renison too ill at ease with indigenous Africans to oversee the transition to independence and thus replaced him with Malcolm MacDonald as Governor of Kenya in January The trio discussed the possibility of merging their three nations plus Zanzibar into a single East African Federation , agreeing that this would be accomplished by the end of the year.

Continuing to emphasise good relations with the white settlers, in August Kenyatta met with white farmers at Nakuru. He reassured them that they would be safe and welcome in an independent Kenya, and more broadly talked of forgiving and forgetting the conflicts of the past.

A celebration to mark independence was held in a specially constructed stadium on 12 December During the ceremony, Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh —representing the British monarchy—formally handed over control of the country to Kenyatta.

In December , Kenya was officially proclaimed a republic. Independent Kenya had an economy heavily moulded by colonial rule; agriculture dominated while industry was limited, and there was a heavy reliance on exporting primary goods while importing capital and manufactured goods.

In contrast to his economic policies, Kenyatta publicly claimed he would create a democratic socialist state with an equitable distribution of economic and social development.

Under Kenyatta, corruption became widespread throughout the government, civil service, and business community.

The question of land ownership had deep emotional resonance in Kenya, having been a major grievance against the British colonialists.

The government oversaw a massive expansion in education facilities. In part due to his advanced years, Kenyatta rarely travelled outside of Eastern Africa.

Facing the pressures of the Cold War , [] Kenyatta officially pursued a policy of "positive non-alignment". Kenyatta and his government were anti-communist, [] and in June he warned that "it is naive to think that there is no danger of imperialism from the East.

In world power politics the East has as much designs upon us as the West and would like to serve their own interests. That is why we reject Communism.

Obote personally visited Kenyatta to apologise. Kenyatta made clear his desire for Kenya to become a one-party state, regarding this as a better expression of national unity than a multi-party system.

On being greeted by a crowd shouting KPU slogans, he lost his temper. For many years, Kenyatta had suffered health problems.

He had a mild stroke in , [] and a second in May In , Kenyatta had several further strokes or heart attacks. Kenyatta was an African nationalist, [] and was committed to the belief that European colonial rule in Africa must end.

Murray-Brown noted that "Kenyatta had always kept himself free from ideological commitments", [] while the historian William R.

Ochieng observed that "Kenyatta articulated no particular social philosophy". Kenyatta biographer Guy Arnold described the Kenyan leader as "a pragmatist and a moderate", noting that his only "radicalism" came in the form of his "nationalist attack" on imperialism.

While in Britain, Kenyatta made political alliances with individuals committed to Marxism and to radical Pan-Africanism, the idea that African countries should politically unify; [] some commentators have posthumously characterised Kenyatta as a Pan-Africanist.

Harambee and Suffering Without Bitterness. Kenyatta had been exposed to Marxist-Leninist ideas through his friendship with Padmore and the time spent in the Soviet Union, [] but had also been exposed to Western forms of liberal democratic government through his many years in Britain.

Berman and John M. Lonsdale however argued that Marxist frameworks for analysing society influenced some of his beliefs, such as his view that British colonialism had to be destroyed rather than simply reformed.

Makonnen , who regarded it as parochial and un-progressive. Kenyatta was a flamboyant character, [] with an extroverted personality.

Murray-Brown noted that Kenyatta had the ability to "appear all things to all men", [] also displaying a "consummate ability to keep his true purposes and abilities to himself", for instance concealing his connections with communists and the Soviet Union from both members of the British Labour Party and Kikuyu figures at home.

Simon Gikandi argued that Kenyatta, like a number of his contemporaries in the Pan-African movement, was an "Afro-Victorian", someone whose identity had been shaped "by the culture of colonialism and colonial institutions", especially those of the Victorian era.

Barlow, a member of the Church of Scotland Mission at Kikuyu, met with Kenyatta in Britain, later relating that he was impressed by how Kenyatta could "mix on equal terms with Europeans and to hold his end up in spite of his handicaps, educationally and socially.

Kenyatta has also been described as a talented orator, author, and editor. A polygamist, Kenyatta had three wives.

During his trial, Kenyatta described himself as a Christian, [] stating that "I do not follow any particular denomination.

I believe in Christianity as a whole. Within Kenya, Kenyatta came to be regarded as the "Father of the Nation", [] and was given the unofficial title of Mzee , a Swahili term meaning "grand old man".

After , Maloba noted, Kenyatta became "about the most admired post-independence African leader" on the world stage, one who Western countries hailed as a "beloved elder statesman.

In , Arnold referred to Kenyatta as "one of the outstanding African leaders now living", someone who had become "synonymous with Kenya".

Nyangena characterised him as "one of the greatest men of the twentieth century", having been "a beacon, a rallying point for suffering Kenyans to fight for their rights, justice and freedom" whose "brilliance gave strength and aspiration to people beyond the boundaries of Kenya".

Maxon noted that in the areas of health and education, Kenya under Kenyatta "achieved more in a decade and a half than the colonial state had accomplished in the preceding six decades.

To Ochieng, Kenyatta was "a personification of conservative social forces and tendencies" in Kenya. He suggested that the British supported Kenyatta in this, seeing him as a bulwark against growing worker and peasant militancy who would ensure continued neo-colonial dominance.

They are remembered both for making the dream of African independence a reality and for their invention of postcolonial authoritarianism. The violence continued sporadically until , with an estimated killed and , displaced in the Rift Valley.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For other uses, see Kenyatta disambiguation. Missionaries have done a lot of good work because it was through the missionary that many of the Kikuyu got their first education Also, the medical side of it: At the same time I think the missionaries They upset the life of the people.

With the support of all revolutionary workers and peasants we must redouble our efforts to break the bonds that bind us. We must refuse to give any support to the British imperialists either by paying taxes or obeying any of their slave laws!

We can fight in unity with the workers and toilers of the whole world, and for a Free Africa. In the last war , of my people fought in the British Army to drive the Germans from East Africa and 60, of them lost their lives.

In this war large numbers of my people have been fighting to smash fascist power in Africa and have borne some of the hardest fights against the Italians.

Surely if we are considered fit enough to take our rifles and fight side by side with white men we have a right to a direct say in the running of our country and to education.

We Africans are in the majority [in Kenya], and we should have self-government. That does not mean we should not take account of whites, provided we have the key position.

We want to be friendly with whites. Kenyatta possessed the common touch and great leadership qualities. He was essentially a moderate trying to achieve the radical revolution of a nationalist victory in a colonialist society, and his ambivalence over many issues can best be explained by his need to contain or use his militants—and he had plenty of them.

They were impatient and wanted to see effective action. Kenyatta certainly knew how to appeal to African sentiments. Ever a showman, [Kenyatta] could appear one moment in gaily coloured shirts, decorated with the cock of KANU, and the next in elegant suits from Savile Row, seldom without a rose in his buttonhole; he could be photographed in leopard-skin hat and cloak waving a silver fly-whisk or in old slacks on his farm tending his shrubs; he was equally at home in academic robes at a university function and in sandals and shorts on the beach at Mombasa.

I do not think I am—and have never been—an enemy of Europeans or the white people, because I have spent many years in England or in Europe, and even today I have many friends in various nations.

The Phonetic and Tonal Structure of Kikuyu. Kenyatta prefers to spell his name as shown here, without an n preceding the j.

Nj would be more consistent, but the dropping of the n can be justified on the ground that the nasal sound is sometimes not heard in initial position.

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